[2] Marx mentions the English Socialists with praise in ``The Poverty of Philosophy'' (1847). They, like him, tend to base their arguments upon a Ricardian theory of value, but they have not his scope or erudition or scientific breadth. Among them may be mentioned Thomas Hodgskin (1787-1869), originally an officer in the Navy, but dismissed for a pamphlet critical of the methods of naval discipline, author of ``Labour Defended Against the Claims of Capital'' (1825) and other works; William Thompson (1785-1833), author of ``Inquiry into the Principles of Distribution of Wealth Most Conducive to Human Happiness'' (1824), and ``Labour Rewarded'' (1825); and Piercy Ravenstone, from whom Hodgskin's ideas are largely derived. Perhaps more important than any of these was Robert Owen.

[3] The first and most important volume appeared in 1867; the other two volumes were published posthumously (1885 and 1894).

[4] Vol. i, p. 227.

[5] Vol. i, pp. 237, 238.

[6] Vol. i, pp. 239, 240.

[7] Vol. i, pp. 758, 759.

[8] Vol. i pp. 788, 789.

[9] Die Voraussetzungen des Sozialismus und die Aufgaben der Sozial-Demokratie.''

[10] La Decomposition du Marxisme,'' p. 53.

[11] ``Musings of a Chinese Mystic.'' Selections from the Philosophy of Chuang Tzu. With an Introduction by Lionel Giles, M.A. (Oxon.). Wisdom of the East Series, John Murray, 1911. Pages 66-68.

[12] An account of the life of Bakunin from the Anarchist standpoint will be found in vol. ii of the complete edition of his works: ``Michel Bakounine, OEuvres,'' Tome II. Avec une notice biographique, des avant-propos et des notes, par James Guillaume. Paris, P.-V, Stock, editeur, pp. v-lxiii.

[13] Criticism of these theories will be reserved for Part II.

[14] Ibid. p. xxvi.

[15] ``Marx, as a thinker, is on the right road. He has established as a principle that all the evolutions, political, religious, and juridical, in history are, not the causes, but the effects of economic evolutions. This is a great and fruitful thought, which he has not absolutely invented; it has been glimpsed, expressed in part, by many others besides him; but in any case to him belongs the honor of having solidly established it and of having enunciated it as the basis of his whole economic system. (1870; ib. ii. p. xiii.)

[16] This title is not Bakunin's, but was invented by Cafiero and Elisee Reclus, who edited it, not knowing that it was a fragment of what was intended to he the second version of ``L'Empire Knouto-Germanique'' (see ib. ii. p 283).

[17] Paris, 1894.

[18] The attitude of all the better Anarchists is that expressed by L. S. Bevington in the words: ``Of course we know that among those who call themselves Anarchists there are a minority of unbalanced enthusiasts who look upon every illegal and sensational act of violence as a matter for hysterical jubilation. Very useful to the police and the press, unsteady in intellect and of weak moral principle, they have repeatedly shown themselves accessible to venal considerations. They, and their violence, and their professed Anarchism are purchasable, and in the last resort they are welcome and efficient partisans of the bourgeoisie in its remorseless war against the deliverers of the people.'' His conclusion is a very wise one: ``Let us leave indiscriminate killing and injuring to the Government--to its Statesmen, its Stockbrokers, its Officers, and its Law.'' (``Anarchism and Violence,'' pp. 9-10. Liberty Press, Chiswick, 1896.) [19] See next Chapter.

[20] Of which the Independent Labor Party is only a section.

[20] And also in Italy. A good, short account of the Italian movement is given by A. Lanzillo, ``Le Mouvement Ouvrier en Italie,'' Bibliotheque du Mouvement Proletarien. See also Paul Louis, ``Le Syndicalisme Europeen,'' chap. vi. On the other hand Cole (``World of Labour,'' chap. vi) considers the strength of genuine Syndicalism in Italy to be small.

[21] This is often recognized by Syndicalists themselves. See, e.g., an article on ``The Old International'' in the Syndicalist of February, 1913, which, after giving an account of the struggle between Marx and Bakunin from the standpoint of a sympathizer with the latter, says: ``Bakounin's ideas are now more alive than ever.''

[22] See pp. 42-43, and 160 of ``Syndicalism in France,'' Louis Levine, Ph.D. (Columbia University Studies in Political Science, vol. xlvi, No. 3.) This is a very objective and reliable account of the origin and progress of French Syndicalism. An admirable short discussion of its ideas and its present position will be found in Cole's ``World of Labour'' (G. Bell & Sons), especially chapters iii, iv, and xi.

[23] See Levine, op. cit., chap. ii.

[24] Cole, ib., p. 65.

[25] ``Syndicat in France still means a local union--there are at the present day only four national syndicats'' (ib., p. 66).

[26] Cole, ib. p. 69.

[27] In fact the General Strike was invented by a Londoner William Benbow, an Owenite, in 1831.

[28] ``World of Labour,'' pp. 212, 213.

[29] Quoted in Cole, ib. p. 128.

[30] Ib., p. 135.

[31] Brooks, op. cit., p. 79.

[32] Brooks, op. cit., pp. 86-87.

[33] Although uniformly held that the writ of habeas corpus can only be suspended by the legislature, in these labor disturbances the executive has in fact suspended or disregarded the writ. . . . In cases arising from labor agitations, the judiciary has uniformly upheld the power exercised by the military, and in no case has there been any protest against the use of such power or any attempt to curtail it, except in Montana, where the conviction of a civilian by military commission was annulled'' (``Final Report of the Commission on Industrial Relations'' (1915) appointed by the United States Congress,'' p. 58).

[34] Literary Digest, May 2 and May 16, 1914.

[35] The ideas of Guild Socialism were first set forth in ``National Guilds,'' edited by A. R. Orage (Bell & Sons, 1914), and in Cole's ``World of Labour'' (Bell & Sons), first published in 1913. Cole's ``Self-Government in Industry'' (Bell & Sons, 1917) and Rickett & Bechhofer's ``The Meaning of National Guilds'' (Palmer & Hayward, 1918) should also be read, as well as various pamphlets published by the National Guilds League. The attitude of the Syndicalists to Guild Socialism is far from sympathetic. An article in ``The Syndicalist'' for February, 1914, speaks of it in the following terms: a Middle-class of the middle-class, with all the shortcomings (we had almost said `stupidities') of the middle- classes writ large across it, `Guild Socialism' stands forth as the latest lucubration of the middle-class mind. It is a `cool steal' of the leading ideas of Syndicalism and a deliberate perversion of them. . . . We do protest against the `State' idea . . . in Guild Socialism. Middle-class people, even when they become Socialists, cannot get rid of the idea that the working-class is their `inferior'; that the workers need to be `educated,' drilled, disciplined, and generally nursed for a very long time before they will be able to walk by themselves. The very reverse is actually the truth. . . . It is just the plain truth when we say that the ordinary wage-worker, of average intelligence, is better capable of taking care of himself than the half-educated middle-class man who wants to advise him. He knows how to make the wheels of the world go round.''

[37] ``The Guild Idea,'' No. 2 of the Pamphlets of the National Guilds League, p. 17.